Komarov transneft. The reverse side of Transneft. Criticism and accusations

Mikhail Vitalievich Margelov is a famous statesman. He bears a famous surname, although he did not continue the military tradition. He went his own way and reached respectable heights. His activities are often criticized, he is accused of careerism and opportunism. However, his life path is undoubtedly interesting and worthy of attention.

Family

The surname of the Margelovs appeared as a result of an error in the spelling of the old Russian surname “Markelov” when issuing a party card to grandfather Mikhail. Mikhail's great-grandfather served the Fatherland faithfully, for which he was twice awarded the honorary order of St. George. - the famous general of the Soviet army, commander of the air force, "father of the airborne forces", Hero of the Soviet Union - was born into a family of Belarusian origin. This is how the glorious history of the family began.

Of Basil's five sons, four continued his work. Vitaly Vasilyevich - Russian intelligence officer, colonel general, deputy director of the Russian Foreign Intelligence Service, later a deputy of the State Duma from the United Russia party - Mikhail's father. Alexander Vasilievich - Airborne Forces officer, Hero of the Soviet Union. Gennady Vasilievich - Major General. Vasily Vasilievich - Major, Deputy Director of the Voice of Russia radio broadcasting company. Vasily Filippovich did not help any of his children to make a career, but he strictly asked them. Margelov Mikhail Vitalievich, whose family consists of such valiant people, had to correspond to her. And he became a worthy bearer of an outstanding surname. In total, Vasily Filippovich has ten grandchildren, Mikhail is the oldest of them. Among the grandchildren, there are journalists and businessmen, and five followed in the footsteps of their ancestors and became military men.

Childhood

Mikhail Margelov is an example of a Moscow boy from a good family. As a child, Misha was distinguished by his active character and striving for leadership, he read a lot. Grandfather tried to inspire him for sports, but nothing came of it. And the dream that the grandson would follow in his footsteps did not come true either. When Mikhail was a teenager, his parents often went on business trips abroad, and he spent a lot of time with his grandparents. For several years he lived with his parents in Tunisia and Morocco. Mikhail Margelov was interested in international relations and dreamed of becoming a diplomatic worker.

Education

At school, Mikhail studied well, especially leaned on foreign languages intending to become a diplomat. But after school I went not to MGIMO, but to the Institute of Asian and African Countries at Moscow State University. MV Lomonosov, at the Faculty of History and Philology. Graduated from the university in 1986 with a diploma in Orientalist and translator. He speaks Arabic, English, French, later learned Bulgarian.

The beginning of the professional path

Even in the last years of the institute, Margelov began working as a translator in the international relations department of the Central Committee of the CPSU. After graduation, he got a job at the School of the KGB of the USSR to teach Arabic. Ill-wishers claim that he got to work in this department solely due to family ties, since he did not have special prerequisites for such work. There are also suggestions that the teaching position was just a screen, but in fact he entered the service in the KGB with the rank of lieutenant. Three years later, Margelov goes to work in the Arabic editorial office of ITAR-TASS as an editor. Here he worked for only a year.

Finding your place

After the collapse of the USSR, Mikhail Margelov, whose biography was still developing in purely Soviet traditions, decided to try himself in a new field. For several years he worked in international consulting firms, advising joint Russian-American companies. This experience allowed Margelov to find a new one, promising area application of their skills and talents - advertising and PR. Also at this time he works as editor of the magazine "Your Choice". This will also become his new professional sphere in future.

In 1995, Mikhail Margelov came to work in a large advertising company Video International for the position of Director for New Business, Development and Consulting. In 1996, he is in charge of the electoral project advertising campaign and the Yabloko party to the State Duma. Next year, he was included in the pre-election group of the presidential candidate Boris Yeltsin.

Career advancement

A successful election campaign brought Yeltsin to the Kremlin and brought Margelov new position... He was appointed first deputy head of the public relations department of the Presidential Administration of the Russian Federation, with whom Mikhail worked at Video International. After a while, Margelov replaced Lesin in this position and held on for a whole year. Since 1998, Mikhail Vitalievich goes to serve in the RIA Vesti in the department of political observers. After a while, he went to the Customs Service for six months, where he worked in a group of advisers to the Chairman of the State Customs Committee and was creating a public relations service. There Margelov received the rank of colonel customs service, but soon returned to Vesti.

Era of elections

By 1999, Mikhail Margelov won the fame of a good political strategist, and therefore he is offered to take part in several projects at once. At first, he accompanies the political movement “ New strength"In the elections for mayors of Moscow. During the aggravation of the situation in the North Caucasus, on the orders of V. Putin in 1999, Rosinformtsentr was created, in which Mikhail Margelov holds the position of director. At about the same time he was invited by S. Shoigu to organize an advertising campaign and to work as a press secretary of the "Bear" movement, which sought to enter the State Duma. Later, Margelov began to provide PR support for the activities of the Unity party bloc. Organizes a trip for members of the "Unity" faction to the Congress of the Republican Party in the United States in 2000. During the presidential election campaign in 2000, Margelov is included in Putin's headquarters, where he is engaged in establishing relations with foreign partners. The success of this campaign, among other things, helped him show his potential to the president, and he will still remember the young PR man.

Party life

According to family tradition, Mikhail Margelov has always been on the side of the ruling party. Therefore, no one was surprised when he was the secretary of the Komsomol organization at the institute. Then he joined the ranks of the CPSU, where he remained until the party was abolished. In the 2000s, he became a member of United Russia. He was a member of the political council of the party, from 2001 to 2004 he was a member of the central political council of United Russia.

In 2000, the Pskov region has a new representative in the supreme power - Mikhail Margelov. The Federation Council is formed on a party basis, and fellow party members nominated Mikhail to this ruling body. There he initiated the creation of the "Putin" group "Federation". Deputy Mikhail Margelov was elected chairman of the international relations committee. In 2009, he was the first senator to take part in the work of the UN General Assembly, where he made a presentation on the responsibility to protect in international affairs. He has repeatedly led the Federation Council delegations in various negotiations on international affairs. In 2014, he had to leave the Federation Council in connection with the scandalous discovery of foreign real estate in his possession, which he did not include in the declaration.

PACE

In 2003, as a member of the Federation Council, Margelov was elected vice-president of PACE from Russian Federation... In 2008, he boldly ranks as president of the Parliamentary Assembly, but loses to the Spanish candidate. While working in PACE, Mikhail Vitalievich has repeatedly participated in the settlement of conflicts in various "hot" spots of the world, was a member of the assembly team at the Palestinian negotiations. In 2005, he voluntarily resigned as a representative in PACE. This was due to a big scandal that erupted around Margelov: his assistant Alexey Kozlov was sentenced to criminal liability for fraud, in addition, his brother was involved in an offshore case. But in 2010 he became an honorary member of PACE.

Sudan

In 2008, Mikhail Margelov was appointed to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation - he became the special representative of the President of the Russian Federation for Sudan. On his shoulders is entrusted the solution of the task of including Russia in the group of countries participating in the settlement of the situation in this country. In Sudan, political influence was given to countries such as the United States, Britain, China, and France. And Margelov is trying to ensure that the Russian Federation becomes the fifth country in this group. He is the main organizer international conference on Sudan in Moscow, during which the most important decision on the recognition of independence is made Margelov participates in negotiations with the Darfur rebels, for three years he makes 8 trips to Sudan. In 2010, he participates in the UN General Assembly Security Council Summit, where he makes proposals to support the holding of an independence referendum in Sudan.

In 2011, in connection with the solution of some of the acute problems in the country, Margelov was relieved of his mission.

African affairs

In 2011, Margelov will be assigned a new serious position - the special representative of the President for cooperation with the peoples of Africa. For the long post-perestroika years, Russia was not present on the African continent, and it was Mikhail Vitalievich's task to regain at least part of its former influence. With his participation, Russian projects are being implemented in Ethiopia, Namibia, Niger and other countries. He repeatedly traveled to Africa, including in order to establish contacts with representatives of the Somali territories fighting for independence. When the situation in Libya exploded, he met with both sides to get an objective picture of the state of affairs. His role is significant in resolving the issue of the safe passage of Russian ships through In 2014, Margelov left this position in connection with his resignation from the Federation Council of the Russian Federation.

Social activity

Despite the huge, varied activities, Margelov manages to engage in various public assignments. He is a member of the Russian geographic society, was the chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Professional Hockey League of Russia. Also in 2003, he became president of a non-governmental organization - Russian society solidarity and cooperation of the peoples of Asia and Africa. As part of this position, Margelov has repeatedly participated in negotiations with various opposition groups in countries affected by revolutions.

Transneft

In 2014, a new "oilman" appears in the country - Mikhail Margelov. Transneft, where he took the position of vice president, is engaged in the transportation of oil and oil products across Russia and the CIS countries. Margelov, on the other hand, is called upon to do his usual business - public relations. Although there are versions that he was "planted" in a company with a long-range scope, and that, perhaps, Mikhail Vitalievich may soon step up. But so far such movements have not been noticed, and observers say that Margelov simply took refuge in Transneft from various problems that haunted him.

Criticism and accusations

Margelov's ill-wishers explain his forward movement upward by great family ties. They say that his throwing from company to company is due to the fact that he does not have any valuable skills. Although it is difficult not to notice the noticeable success of Margelov in the negotiation processes at the international level. He is accused of secretly continuing the work of the "ancestors" and being an officer of the secret services. He was repeatedly accused of illegal ownership of real estate abroad and a bias against the American special services. All this, except for apartments in Miami, has not been confirmed, so Mikhail Vitalievich continues to work quietly in Russia.

Awards and titles

During his life, Mikhail Vitalievich Margelov received many awards, among them the Order of Honor and Friendship, and the gratitude of the President of the Russian Federation, various medals. He bears the title of Actual State Councilor of the Russian Federation, 1st degree. He is a reserve colonel, which greatly delighted his grandfather.

Personal life

The personal life of politicians and statesmen is always of particular interest. Mikhail Margelov, his wife and children are no exception. He got married more than 25 years ago and has two children. Nothing is known about the wife's occupation. The media found out about Dmitry's son that he graduated from MGIMO, worked at Gazprom, and now heads the Board of Directors of the Rus-Oil company.

Today, the management of Transneft is subject to a system of mutual guarantee, known as “Manus manum lavat” (Latin - Hand washes a hand), the report says.

At the disposal of the editors was a part of the report, compiled by a number of authoritative experts, addressed to Russian President Vladimir Putin, and devoted to the activities of the management of the Transneft company, where experts analyze in detail the “gray” schemes in which the state company is now involved, as well as sensational details of the personal enrichment of the management state-owned companies.

The report consists of 15 volumes, each volume contains a description of schemes that allow you to withdraw assets from the company, carry out fraudulent activities aimed at theft Money Russian oil companies. The editors got the opportunity to get acquainted with the details of one of the investigations related to obtaining corruption rent when transshipping oil through the ports of Transneft at inflated tariffs. This investigation is entitled “Manus manum lavat” (Latin - Hand washes a hand).

According to experts, the president of Transneft Tokarev, together with entrepreneur Ziyavudin Magomedov, as well as vice president of Transneft Alexei Sapsay, organized a scheme based on the inflated tariffs for loading and pumping oil products through the main oil pipelines of Transneft. The scheme is replete with companies - gaskets, as well as the names of the performers, through which the theft of funds from Russian oil workers is directly carried out, among them: LLC Transneft-Terminal (A.V. Zelenko), JSC Transneft-Terminal (M.M. Melnik) , LLC "Transneft-Service" and JSC "Transneft-Service" (SG Kireev). These companies are the only intermediaries for transshipment of oil products through the ports of Transneft, and it is with these companies that Chernomorsktransneft JSC and Sea Port Service JSC conclude contracts.

Experts believe that the main executor of this scheme is the vice-president of Transneft, Aleksey Sapsai, who previously headed the ESPO MCC at Transneft, who was involved in the construction of the Eastern Siberia - Pacific Ocean pipeline. The project and activities of the ESPO MCC were audited by the Accounts Chamber, which revealed that the cost of work on the ESPO project was unreasonably high, the bidding for the selection of contractors was conducted with violations, the documentation was illegally destroyed, and some acts were falsified by the contractors. As a result, the volume of inappropriate expenditures of the state monopoly during the construction of the Eastern Siberia - Pacific Ocean pipeline amounted to about $ 4 billion. It is not surprising that Aleksey Sapsay became the curator of the topic of raising tariffs for loading and pumping oil products, experts say.

Today the aforementioned companies set their own tariffs, which are significantly higher than those of the Federal Antimonopoly Service. As a result, oil companies wishing to pump their oil through the ports of the monopolist overpay in favor of addressees registered in offshores. Experts estimate the volume of illegal business at tens of billions of rubles. For example, in just one of the episodes, the offshore companies of Tokarev, Magomedov and Sapsay earned 500 million rubles. We made inquiries to the FAS press service and to the reception of the head of the department, Igor Artemyev, with a request to comment on this situation, but both requests remained unanswered.

The Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia has not achieved great results either. Initially, the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia sent a number of inquiries to Transneft with the intention of checking information about the schemes in which the state company was involved. However, according to an employee of the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia, who wished to remain anonymous, an informal order was received from the head of the anti-corruption department, Andrei Kurnosenko, to stop checking. It is possible that Kurnosenko's reluctance to bring the investigation to court was motivated by the fact that among the personal patrons of Nikolai Tokarev - the former Minister of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation - now the Vice President for Security of Transneft Vladimir Rushailo, whom the Minister of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation Vladimir Kolokoltsev simply calls "dad" ... As a result, the case today lies dead weight in the 8th department of the "T" Directorate of the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia.

An objective examination of the materials is also hindered by the powerful resources of security agencies controlled by Ziyavudin Magomedov, consisting of former employees TsRUBOP of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia, which have the capabilities of illegal wiretapping, covert surveillance and force support. There is active pressure and interference in the process of objective consideration of materials in order not to bring the perpetrators to justice. As a result, many witnesses refuse to testify, fearing for their lives and health.

The report notes that, most likely, such a sharp opposition is caused by the fact that these companies are involved not only in the scheme to raise tariffs, but are also part of a large-scale system of the "shadow market" of oil, in which the volumes of transported oil are deliberately overstated despite the quotas of the Ministry of Energy. As you know, the Ministry of Energy distributes volumes among the companies by directions, in proportion to the submitted applications, and the schedules for pumping to the near and far abroad are formed separately. As a result, companies sometimes receive export destinations that they cannot use. Accordingly, there is a reverse process - when the Ministry of Energy gives companies less quotas for the export of oil abroad than they need. In both cases, one cannot do without Transneft's gasket companies. It is also known that oil-producing complexes often extract and process much more oil and oil products than according to official reports. Then this unaccounted oil is pumped into the pipes of "Transneft" and supplied abroad. In this case, this oil is distilled illegally, and, of course, no one pays any taxes on this.

It was corruption in the distribution of quotas for oil supplies that caused a scandal, due to which Deputy Energy Minister Pavel Fedorov resigned in 2013. With his resignation, the scandal was hushed up. And now, a new chain has appeared, which led to the companies of the management of Transneft, whose activities are described in the report.

Today, the management of Transneft is subject to a system of mutual guarantee, known as “Manus manum lavat” (Latin - Hand washes a hand), the report says. The lack of desire of the FAS to check the inflated tariffs, the release on the brakes of the case in the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia indicate that the octopus of Transneft has extended its influence to controllers, regulators and law enforcement officers. Experts note that "the lack of transparency and the lack of real responsibility of management for the results of activities has long become more than a problem," according to Andrey Kolganov, head of the laboratory of market economics at the Faculty of Economics of Moscow State University, "this is a matter of political will on the part of the management to establish a normal system of management and control."

Igor Kanaykin

Materials of the investigation conducted by "one of the services of the Russian Federation" in 2004-2006

By the most careful expert assessments, the shadow market accounts for at least 40% of Russian GDP. The strategically important and most profitable sectors of the Russian economy, primarily the oil industry, are most affected by corruption. Half of all GDP revenues are generated from foreign exchange earnings from oil and gas exports, while more than 90% of all oil produced in Russia is transported through trunk pipelines that run through 65 regions.

Currently, all pipeline transport is legally owned by the state and is formally controlled state company OJSC Transneft in the interests of the state. The group is headed by OJSC "Transneft" former top managers oil company "Lukoil" headed by Semyon Vainshtok. His closest assistant and especially confidant is the vice-president of Transneft Sergey Yevlakhov, who controls the oil transportation, accounting and quality department in the company. Yevlakhov, in contrast to the material and technical supply specialist Weinstock, is a petroleum engineer by education. In 1983 he graduated from the Grozny Oil Institute, his career began at the PA "Kogalymneftegaz" under the leadership of the then general director Vagita Alekperova. After the creation in 1993 by Alekperov, already in the rank of first deputy minister of oil and gas industry USSR, the oil company Lukoil on the basis of Kogalymneftegaz, Yevlakhov ended up in LLC Lukoil-Western Siberia, the largest of the concern's subsidiaries. Semyon Vainshtok, Alekperov's confidant, became the head of the company at that time. From this period, the tandem of Weinstock and Yevlakhov began to form, where each harmoniously complemented each other. Weinstock needed his own trusted person, an experienced oilman, while Yevlakhov liked Weinstock's connections with Alkperov, who promised the possibility of further career advancement and the accompanying increase in material well-being. Then he could not even imagine what incredible opportunities would open before him, after Weinstock became the head of the state-owned Transneft company.

The scandal related to illegal supplies of oil and oil products to Kyrgyzstan dates back to the late 90s. The oil exporter was the offshore company Levette Investments, Inc. (Bahamas, Nassau), which opened an account for operations in one of the banks in Zurich. On the Kyrgyz side, the buyer was the republic's largest state-owned company, Kyrgyzgazmunayzat. In fact, the owner of the oil was LLC Lukoil-West Siberia, and the then co-owner of Sibneft, and also Deputy Secretary of the Security Council Boris Berezovsky, also acted on the Russian side in the development of the capacious gasoline market of Kyrgyzstan. According to the scheme, one part of unaccounted oil was sent by OOO Lukoil-West Siberia for refining to the Omsk refinery belonging to Sibneft. In Sibneft, the head of the oil department, Sergei Kashin, and the head of the oil products department, Yuri Sukhanov, were responsible for this area. After refining, gasoline obtained from Lukoilovskaya oil is smuggled by various railways. was shipped by transport to Kyrgyzstan to the address of "Kirgizgazmunayzat".

In order to avoid customs duties and excise taxes, the accompanying documents of Levette Investments, Inc. instead of gasoline, other petroleum products have always featured. This made it possible to make a guaranteed profit by saving on the import duty in force in Kyrgyzstan - $ 75 per ton of gasoline and $ 15 per ton of crude oil. Due to this, "Kirgizgazmunai zat", according to contract No. 1/1 of February 25, 1997 with Levette Investments, Inc., paid the latter 16% commission on top of the cost of supplied oil and oil products for the "search" for suppliers of liquefied gas and hydrocarbon raw materials. Settlements for deliveries were made through the bank account of Levette Investments, Inc. in Zurich and through two bank accounts of "Kirgizgazmunayzat" - in the Bank of New York (USA) and in the bank "Mercury" (Bishkek). Did Sergey Yevlakhov, who worked at Lukoil-West Siberia, know about this - big question.

The rise in oil prices in the late 90s caused an active undercover struggle of oligarchic groups for control over the main oil pipelines of Transneft, which ended in December 1999 with the appointment of Semyon Vainshtok as the head of the company, who immediately appointed his proxies from Lukoil to key positions: Sergei Evlakhov, Vladimir Kalinin, Evgeny Astafiev and Sergei Grigoriev.

After Weinstock's team came to Transneft, the work of the Government Commission on the use of trunk oil and gas pipelines and oil product pipelines, created specifically in 2000 by Decree No. 67 of the Russian Government to create a competitive environment, distribute oil export quotas and export control, was terminated. The abolition of the government commission was in fact the beginning of the destruction of the system of state control over the use of export trunk pipelines and related financial flows.

The fundamental principle of operation of the state-owned company Transneft, which is recorded in the governing documents and declared by the management of Transneft as an alibi, is to provide all participants in the oil market with equal access to trunk pipelines in order to ensure competition and market development. At Transneft, where Yevlakhov headed the key department of transport, accounting and oil quality, he transformed this principle into a pragmatic rule - "Must - but not obligated!"

The export capacity of the main oil pipelines of "Transneft" has always been in short supply, especially during periods of a surge in the world oil market. In addition, within the framework of the policy of a single economic space, Russia provides part of the pipeline capacities to the CIS countries for exporting oil to Western markets. It is believed that in last years After the construction of new oil pipelines, the situation improved, as reported by the Minister of Industry and Energy of Russia Viktor Khristenko on October 9, 2006 at a meeting of the Government Commission on the Fuel and Energy Complex. According to him, the problem has now been resolved, but: "... in some, the most cost-effective directions of oil transportation, the capacity deficit remains." It is unclear, on the one hand, Transneft does not seem to have a capacity deficit, but on the other hand, it does exist!

Indirect evidence that the shadow market for access to the export pipe of Transneft may still exist was the scandal provoked in March 2006 over the restriction of access by the state-owned OJSC NK Rosneft, which is competing with Lukoil. The conflict ended with the dismissal of Sergei Yevlakhov and Deputy Head of Rosenergo Oleg Gordeev. Both were key figures responsible for shaping and implementing a timetable for oil companies to access trunk export pipelines. In place of Yevlakhov, Andrei Komarov, former vice president of Sibneft, was immediately appointed. However, he was not destined to gain a foothold in this position desirable for a corrupt official. He turned out to be a foreign body that violated the principle of collective responsibility, and therefore soon left the Transneft company, and Sergey Yevlakhov was reinstated in his previous position on August 30, 2006,

In general terms, a corrupt business scheme for trading in a deficit in export capacity looks like this. First of all, it is necessary to artificially create this deficit. For example, it is possible to overestimate the planned capacities for the transit of oil from the CIS countries. This will restrict access to the pipe for Russian exporters and increase the deficit. In practice, oil exports from the CIS countries turn out to be less than declared, which will lead to the emergence of unaccounted for capacities that can be sold profitably in the internal shadow market. According to available data, in 2004, with the help of the described mechanism, over-limit capacities were obtained in the amount of 6 million tons of oil, which were sold at an average annual price of $ 25 / ton, as a result - an annual income of about $ 150 million. , 5 million tonnes at an average annual price of $ 50 / tonne, which made it possible to “pocket” $ 175 million due to the rise in world prices.

But this is not all the know-how. The oil trunk pipeline system is a gigantic common reservoir where oil companies continuously pump oil from fields and then take it for export or refining. It is possible to objectively control the volumes circulating in the Transneft pipeline system from the outside only conditionally, perhaps by completely emptying the entire pipeline system.

Access to the main oil pipelines is regulated by the quarterly schedule of the Ministry of Industry and Energy of Russia, and its operational execution is ensured by Transneft. The essence of the formation of the schedule of quotas is the distribution between Russian oil exporters of the transport capacities of the pipelines in proportion to the declared volumes of oil production. Oil from various fields, after its injection into unified system oil pipelines, depersonalizes and turns into a mixture of REBKO (formerly URALS). After that, exporting companies can select this mixture from the final terminals in the export directions they need, according to the schedule and allocated volumes.

Until recently, there was a practice in which many medium and small companies pumped oil into the system, ostensibly for export, without yet having a specific buyer or an escort contract. Then they had to find a buyer or wait for the rise in oil prices on the world market in order to sell it and get currency for their scarce commodity. Using money and corrupt connections, it was possible to sell someone else's oil from the system without filling the pipe with extracted oil, and the resulting deficit could be covered only after some time. According to the official version, this practice has now been suppressed by the management of Transneft.

Another mechanism for creating over-limit transport capacities is to provide oil exporters with inconvenient for use terminals associated with the need to transship oil from pipelines to railways. tanks or vice versa. According to a deeply rooted vicious practice, all exporters who have received volumes for sale through the Tikhoretskaya terminal (Krasnodar Territory) are trying to exchange them for bribes for transport capacities for more profitable directions, which brings additional income to interested parties. In 2004, 5 million tons were planned for this terminal, while 1.7 million tons were actually exported. As a result, an over-limit volume of 3.3 million tons was sold on the “shadow” market. In 2005, the volume of sales under this scheme amounted to 4.0 million tons.

According to the testimony of some participants in the oil market, a different scheme is used at oil terminals in the ports of Tuapse and Novorossiysk. When planning export through Tuapse, over-limit capacities are obtained due to deliberate underestimation of planned indicators, and the resulting free capacities are realized "in the dark." Thanks to this, in 2004, an additional 0.22 million tons was exported, and in 2005 - 0.48 million tons at the prices of the "shadow" market $ 20 / t and $ 35 / t, respectively, which made it possible to obtain income in 2004 in the amount of about $ 4.4 million, and in 2005 - $ 16.8 million.

Another mechanism for generating additional income is realized through the allocation of small quotas for the berths of the oil terminal in the Novorossiysk port. Small export quotas, typical for small oil companies, make it economically inexpedient to charter a tanker, for the full load of which it is necessary to search for additional volumes of oil. For example, for a small company with an export quota of 20 thousand tons of oil, the freight of a tanker with a tonnage of 60 thousand tons (minimum tanker tonnage) is unprofitable. The export schedule and the risk of high costs associated with the advance payment of tanker freight do not allow small oil companies to increase the export volume for loading the entire tanker by purchasing additional oil “on the side”. Failure to implement the allocated export quota within the schedule leads to its loss.

The offshore company SUNOIL also makes good money on this artificially created problem, which in 2004 at a price of $ 10 per ton provided oil exports for companies with small quotas with its tankers. Due to this "cooperation" in 2004, SUNOIL provided small companies with export in the amount of 1.79 million tons of oil, while receiving income of $ 17.9 million. In 2005, such "services" of the tanker fleet imposed on small exporters brought in income over $ 25 million. ...

In 2004, mid-sized oil companies were re-targeted at this berth as scheduled. However, faced with the "services" of SUNOIL, some of them were forced to turn to law enforcement agencies for protection, as it turned out that SUNOIL was controlled by the Chechen crime boss Khozh-Akhmet Nukhaev. In particular, Kalmneft was forced to resort to the services of law enforcement agencies to protect its interests.

According to law enforcement agencies, Nukhaev also controls the Tuapse oil terminal, which has always been technologically oriented towards oil from the Grozny fields and is convenient for exporting oil illegally extracted in Chechnya. The problem of the theft of Grozny oil continues to remain acute due to the continued power of crime in Tuapse and Novorossiysk ports and the established channels for the sale of stolen oil, thanks to the strange decisions of officials from Transneft.

The use of another oil terminal in the Novorossiysk region is associated with the transshipment of oil through the Grushovaya oil depot, which is owned by GLENKOR, an American businessman Mark Rich, a recognized expert in the implementation of dubious financial schemes. Delivery of oil and fuel oil to the tank farm is carried out by railroad... GLENKOR charges a commission of $ 15 per ton for the transshipment of oil from wheels to the tank farm, and $ 10 per ton for the transshipment of fuel oil. This allowed GLENKOR to receive in 2004 and the 1st quarter of 2005 for the transshipment of about 7 million tons of oil in excess of $ 100 million, and for the transshipment of about 15 tons of fuel oil - more than $ 15 million.

When exporting oil through the territory of Ukraine or to its refineries (refineries) since 2004, payments for transit to Ukraine have been monopolized by Transneft. At the same time, a scheme was implemented using an intermediary offshore company, which charges an equal commission for the transit of 1 ton of oil from both Transneft and Ukrtransnafta. The size of the tariff depends on the direction of transit and ranges from $ 0.5-5.5 per ton of oil. However, on each of the existing four Ukrainian transit routes, only one offshore monopoly company acts as an intermediary. In the case of transit to Ukrainian refineries, it is the LANCASTER company, in the case of transit to the Yuzhny port (Odessa) - SILTON, etc. The income received from intermediary offshore companies is divided between Russian and Ukrainian corrupt officials in the proportion of 50% to 50%. According to the available information, revenues from the transport tariff in 2004 amounted to more than $ 40 million, and in 2005 due to a decrease in the volume of pumping in the direction of Ukraine - about $ 28 million.

In addition to the previously named schemes for obtaining additional export volumes of oil, the so-called "mobile residues", which are located in operational management Transneft. This part of the oil pumped into the main oil pipelines must legally remain in the Transneft system to ensure the normal operation of the pipelines. The regulations prohibit the selection of these residues. However, with high world oil prices, in violation of existing regulations, under an agreement with major exporters, these mobile balances are being sold. In this case, a commission is charged for their use in the amount of $ 2 per ton of oil. According to data for 2004 and 2005, export revenues of these "sweet" residues amounted to about $ 45 million.

The problem of unaccounted for surpluses of Transneft has always existed. First, they are formed due to the difference between the delivered and received oil and are accounted for by "Transneft" as its own residues. Secondly, they are formed due to the overestimation of the norms of technological losses of oil. The losses themselves are due to the large length and peculiarities of the operation of pipelines and must be taken into account by the norms. If overestimated norms of natural loss of oil are applied, the possibilities for creating unaccounted surplus (or residues) in the pipeline system increase many times over. What volumes of unaccounted for surpluses in reality can be hidden in the pipelines of "Transneft", know only a narrow circle of trusted persons. The price of the issue is indicated by the following figures, which became public. According to the data of the quarterly balance of crude oil in the Russian Federation at the beginning of 2004, the natural loss of oil (technological losses) in the system of main oil pipelines amounted to 0.5 million tons, which in annual terms is equivalent to 2.0 million tons of oil.

At the same time, from year to year, Transneft presents a little more than a tenth of this volume based on the inventory results. In 2001, Transneft, in agreement with the government commission on the use of trunk oil pipelines, exported 200 tons of oil identified after the inventory. In 2003, the surplus of oil in the pipeline system of "Transneft", according to the official results of the inventory alone, amounted to 150 thousand tons. In the same year, Transneft channeled 1 billion rubles from the sale of surplus oil to charity.

The problem of the formation of surplus oil in the main oil pipelines in 2003-2004 was specially considered at the government level. Head of MRET German Gref, proposing income from the sale of these surpluses to be attributed to income federal budget, apparently did not suspect what volumes of unaccounted surpluses circulate in the shadow market and who actually gets the bulk of the proceeds from their sale.

According to information from law enforcement agencies, the specifics of the work of Transneft officials served as the basis for close scrutiny. As a result, the investigative bodies of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation were supposed to initiate a criminal case against Sergei Yevlakhov and several assistants. However, due to the interference of high-ranking officials, the case materials were not implemented.

In addition to the main export direction, in the domestic market, Yevlakhov's relatives have created a whole network commercial structures operating with oil and petroleum products. For example, the firms of the Condor group, which have a well-developed infrastructure in Stavropol Territory for wholesale and retail oil and petroleum products (through its network of filling stations). One of the companies of the Oil Company Kondor LLC group is registered in Moscow, headed by Yevlakhov's brother.

According to the available information, the structures of the Condor group are linked by commercial ties and capitals with the Austrian Petronord group. In particular, Kondor Oil Company CJSC owned a stake in authorized capital LLC "Commercial firm" Petronord ", which, in turn, owned a share in LLC" PROMTES ", affiliated with the" Condor "group. One of the co-owners of the Petronord group is a well-known entrepreneur Grigory Luchansky.

The way of life of the state official Sergei Yevlakhov, perhaps, can envy some wealthy businessmen. According to the information, he jointly owns real estate in Cyprus and elite apartments "Golden Keys" on Minsk highway, purchased three years ago for $ 1 million. In general, it is good to be a high-ranking government official in Russia.